The year 2007 was one of highs and lows for Hugo Ch·vez. It started with the launch of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela, or PSUV), which rapidly claimed that 5.7 million people had signed up to join it. Yet by the end of the year Ch·vez suffered his first electoral defeat, in the referendum on changes to the Bolivarian constitution.
These changes would have strengthened his presidential powers, though they also contained limited reforms and vague pledges to socialism. The economic and political background was also less favourable: with rising prices and food shortages and friction between the Bolivarian state and workers in struggle, such as those at the Sanitarios Maracay ceramics factory, currently operating under workers‘ control.
Throughout 2007 increasing conflict was developing between Ch·vez and the trade unions. Earlier in 2007 Ch·vez, true to his populism, had attacked „the idea that workers and unions are central to the revolution“, saying the barrio communal councils (consejos comunales) were central. On another occasion he declared that „unions should not be autonomous – one must put a stop to that.“
Less people voted for Ch·vez in the referendum than the for his new party. The figures – 50.7 per cent against the amendments, and 49.29 per cent for them, on a low, 55.61 per cent turnout – show that the right wing opposition has hardly grown in support since the 2006 presidential election. However, Ch·vez lost nearly three million votes compared with that result. The defeat has opened up a new phase in the Venezuelan revolution one where the hitherto pro-Ch·vez urban poor and working class are looking more critically at the comrade Presidente, looking for deeds not fine words.
However, the creation of the PSUV split the left between those willing to join Ch·vez‘ new party and those who believed it was necessary to maintain their organisational and political independence. This included the forces of the Trotskyist left, even those very critical of Ch·vez. In particular the Partido de la RevoluciÛn Socialista (PRS) split into a wing led by Orlando Chirino, the national coordinator of the Union Nacional de Trabajadores (UNT) and another, around Stalin Perez Borges, also a prominent leader of the UNT. Chirino was sacked from his job in the Venezuelan national oil company – PDVSA – in December, a clear case of victimisation that all socialists should protest against, demanding his unconditional and immediate re-instatement.
The Stalin Perez group has joined the PSUV, calling on workers to organise „battalions“ (local party branches) in barrios and workplaces, and join the PSUV with „our syndicalist and socialist proposals… and our ideas about how to construct a democratic organisation“. The Stalin Perez group argues that it is fighting for working-class independence and for a revolutionary socialist programme within the PSUV, though the Chirino group claims that their publications since entry are grossly opportunist in their formulations and, that they present themselves simply as a left wing within Chavismo.
The referendum seems to have finalised the split, with the Stalin Perez group calling for a „yes“ vote in the 2 December referendum and the Chirino group calling for a blank vote.
Hitherto, Orlando Chirino and Stalin Perez were leaders of the largest faction within the UNT – CCURA (Corriente Clasista, Unitaria, Revolucionaria, AutÛnoma, or Autonomous, Revolutionary, United Class Current). They faced the FSBT (Fuerza Socialista Bolivariano de Trabajadores or Workers‘ Socialist Bolivarian Force), which is a strongly pro-Ch·vez and bureaucratic current. CCURA has vigorously defended the UNT’s autonomy. Now arguments have broken out over whether to broaden the UNT to attract unions linked to the old CTV (ConfederaciÛn de Trabajadores de Venezuela). The conflict could also lead to a split in the CCURA faction in the UNT.
On the political terrain the Orlando Chirino grouping has launched the Movement for a Workers Party (Movimiento por la construccion de un partido de los trabajadores) with a paper Voz de los Trabajadores (Workers Voice), claiming 15,000 workers have signed up so far.
The International Secretariat of the League for the Fifth International wrote to the PRS after one of our militants established contact with Orlando Chirino and Stalin Perez during a visit to Venezuela in summer 2007, before the split but when the differences were already developing. Our comrade had very interesting discussions with both these comrades. It was in the light of this that we wrote a letter to the PRS, again before the split, which we print below.
The rapid response which this drew from the leadership of the Movement for a Workers Party (Orlando Chirino and his comrades) showed a serious attempt to grapple with the complexities of the issues raised by the revolutionary situation in Venezuela, Where we did have disagreements over tactical issues (the entry tactic into the PSUV, which we favour, and the reasoning behind their call for an abstention in the referendum campaign), the comrades demonstrated that they were willing to consider the methodology of these tactics and further discuss the issues. The letter also expresses an interest in international collaboration and discussion.
A positive dialogue with leaders of a militant wing of the Venezuelan working class is to be welcomed and is, we believe, of interest to wider sections of the left. That is why we print here what we hope will prove an ongoing and fruitful correspondence.