Socially oppressed people often fall behind in revolutionary organizations - or organize themselves separately. For us as a current, we have therefore adopted the caucus right, which is inspired by the Black women's movement. It includes the right to separate meetings of oppressed people within an organization - in order to create voices within the revolutionary organization, to fight against forms of oppression in their own ranks - without giving up the unity of the organization. Thus, for us, it represents a practical response to dealing with discrimination - in line with the principle of democratic centralism. Because the fight against all forms of oppression is the task of the organization as a whole and not the sole task of the oppressed themselves. As part of the debate on international regroupment, we want to show where caucus law comes from, how it can be implemented in practice and where its limits lie.

Violence against women is part of everyday life. A woman is now a victim of femicide every day in Germany. This shows that Gender-specific violence is not an isolated case, but an expression of deep social structures. Particularly in times of capitalist crises and rising unemployment, women are increasingly being pushed back into unpaid domestic and care work; at the same time, a significant increase in gender-specific violence can often be observed. But where does violence against women actually come from? Why is it intertwined with the bourgeois family? And above all: how can the fight against femicide go beyond symbolic outrage? How can the fight against violence against women be linked to the class struggle?

The new government plans to cut public spending further, which will further weaken the already overburdened hospitals and daycare centers. Nursing staff and educators are working under precarious conditions, with too few resources and high work pressure. The childcare crisis means that many parents are unable to find childcare options for their children, which places an enormous burden on women, who often bear the brunt of care work. These attacks particularly affect the socially disadvantaged sections of the working class. But how can this be countered? How can a collective, solidarity-based response be organized? What program does the reproductive work of the future need?

Our bodies are judged and categorized, our appearance is commented on, and women in particular bear the double burden of care work and a job - sexism is part of everyday life, just like LGBTIA+ discrimination. However, this is not a coincidence, but a system. In 1884, Engels showed how patriarchal power relations were cemented with the family as the nucleus of property and the state. But how relevant are Engels' theses today, almost 140 years later? The ideal of the nuclear family also forms the ideological core unit of class societies and is a vehicle for the oppression of women and queer people. In this workshop we ask: Why does life still look like this? Where do these forms of oppression come from and how can they be overcome?

Since Milei became president, his ultra-liberal austerity measures have hit the healthcare sector particularly hard. Under the pretext of reducing the deficit, it is being systematically destroyed: public clinics are losing massive amounts of funding, free medicines and vaccination programs are being cut. Doctors and nursing staff are struggling with miserable wages, overwork and emigration. For millions of people, this means they no longer have access to basic medical care. But resistance is forming: health workers are protesting and nationwide strikes are on the rise. The MST (part of the FIT-U) will give an overview of the current struggles in the healthcare sector, present its practical work and outline what a revolutionary response to the dismantling of the public healthcare system could look like.

Hexenverfolgung, Sexualmoral, Schönheitsnormen – all das dient laut Theoretikerinnen wie Federici und Mies zurKontrolle über den weiblichen Körper, um so sicherzustellen, dass Frauen die Aufgabe der Reproduktion erfüllen. Diese Disziplinierung des weiblichen Körpers sei zentral für die Reproduktion patriarchaler und kapitalistischer Herrschaft. In welchem Verhältnis stehen Kapitalismus und Patriarchat? Wir wollen uns in diesem Workshop kritisch mit der Ausgangsthese auseinandersetzen und versuchen zu beantworten, wie die Disziplinierung des weiblichen Körpers aus marxistischer Sicht zu betrachten ist.

Around the world, right-wing anti-feminism aims to roll back progress in the area of gender equality. Reactionary forces question achievements such as the right to abortion, equal pay and queer visibility, idealize a traditional family model and propagate a return to "natural" gender roles that relegate women to the sphere of domestic and reproductive work. At the same time, influencers such as Andrew Tate are influencing entire generations of young men who see women as universally available. We want to look at the function of anti-feminism, the differences between different right-wing movements and, above all, how we can successfully fight against those who want to turn back the clock.

Whether bourgeois, radical, Marxist feminism, intersectionality, queer theory or Schwarzer's bourgeois feminism - sometimes it is difficult to keep an overview. In this workshop, we want to give a brief overview of the different currents of feminism and the positions of their best-known representatives and discuss which of these currents offers the best perspective for the liberation of women and what a Marxist critique of them might look like.

Judith Butler shaped feminist theory with "Gender Trouble" and has undoubtedly had a major influence on the radical left. In this workshop, we will look at Butler's more recent works and their influence in South America. However, in order to understand Butler's development, we must also take a critical look at her philosophical foundations, her subjective idealism. The question here is: What remains of a feminism that detaches itself from the class question, from dialectics and materialism? And what perspective do Marxists offer on gender relations?

Transformative justice is an approach that seeks collective responses to violence and oppressive behavior beyond police, prison and state punishment. The focus is not on punishment, but on healing, responsibility and changing the conditions that make violence possible. Those affected should be empowered, perpetrators held accountable and communities included. Violence is not understood as individual misconduct, but as an expression of structural inequality - of racism, patriarchy, capitalism. However, many approaches remain stuck in small circles or fail due to a lack of resources. Above all, however, the approach fails to recognize the nature of justice and punishment in capitalism itself. How should we evaluate transformative justice? What elements can be harnessed - and what are the weaknesses of the approach?

Whether Magnus Hirschfeld and the "Scientific-Humanitarian Committee", the movement after the Stonewall Uprising, the first Prides in 1979 - the history of the LGBTIA+ movement in Germany has a long tradition. We want to give an overview of these and their debates and look at how the central themes have changed. Both radical leftists and Marxists have not played a leading role in this. We want to look at why and what lessons we can learn from this.