International Workers League \u201cMorenoites"<\/p>\n
Nahuel Moreno started his political life in Argentina in the late 1930s and came to prominence in the struggles against Peronism in the workers movement. In the 1953 split in the Fourth International, Moreno sided with the Socialist Workers Party (US) and the International Committee, but 10 years later when the fourth International was reunified he became its leader in Latin America. Later he built the Socialist Workers Party in Argentina and his international organisation which came to dominate the continent<\/p>\n
The League for a Fifth International examines the political failings of Moreno here<\/p>\n
A history of Morenoism<\/p>\n
In the late 1980s, the Morenoites set up the Movimiento Al Socialismo (MAS), an electoral bloc on a minimum programme. While it has some initial success, the political basis was so vague that it\u2019s long-term future was precarious.<\/p>\n
The MAS, the Izquierda Unida and the Argentine elections<\/p>\n
Our criticisms of the MAS, proved to be correct as within a few years it did split. Here we examine its break up<\/p>\n
International Workers League: Opportunism and failed manoeuvres<\/p>\n
Splits from the International Workers League<\/p>\n
The experience with the MAS led to a split from the Morenoites, the PTS. The League for a Fifth International welcomed this split and entered into a long period of discussions with the intention of a principled fusion. Here is our first estimation of the PTS<\/p>\n
The Partido de los Trabajadores por el Socialismo and Argentine Trotskyism<\/p>\n
However, after five years of discussions, fusion could not be achieved with the PTS and its international co-thinkers the Fracci\u00f3n Trotskista. The failure is examined here<\/p>\n
Fracci\u00f3n Trotskista: failing to break with centrism<\/p>\n
Latin America indigenism<\/p>\n
Five hundred years age two continents collided. Europe and Latin America clashed in an unequal contest. Subjugation and exploitation followed, its chief victim the indigenous people. But over the past decade, there has been a resurgence of indigenous movements, which are examined here<\/p>\n
Indigenism in Latin America<\/p>\n
Brazilian Workers Party<\/p>\n
The Brazilian Workers Party (PT) is a mass party formed in struggle. Here we analyse its creation and development on the eve of its first electoral victory in 1994<\/p>\n
Brazil\u2019s Partido dos Trabalhadores: what kind of a workers\u2019 party<\/p>\n
Twelve years later, the PT\u2019s leader Lula stood again for reelection. This time he was challenged by the left in the PArty of Socialism or P-Sol. Here we examine the PT\u2019s record in government and the P-sol\u2019s alternative<\/p>\n
Brazil: Lula falters as left makes a breakthrough<\/p>\n
Mexico: Zapatistas<\/p>\n
The Zapatistas launched its guerrilla war in Chiapas in the mid-1990s. Their use of the internet and espousal of post-modernist philosophy won them many friends on the international left. But behind the the revolutionary rhetoric their still lies a reformist logic<\/p>\n
Zapatistas: The \u201cfirst post-modernist guerrilla group\u201d?<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
International Workers League \u201cMorenoites" Nahuel Moreno started his political life in Argentina in the late 1930s and came to prominence in the struggles against Peronism in the workers movement. In the 1953 split in the Fourth International, Moreno sided with the Socialist Workers Party (US) and the International Committee, but 10 years later when the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7724,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[104],"class_list":["post-4661","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-archive"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4661","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/7724"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4661"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4661\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4661"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4661"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/fifthinternational.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4661"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}