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France: a movement with the spirit of revolution

L5I statement

On 19 October workers and youth mobilised for the sixth day of strike action against President Nicolas Sarkozy’s pension reform.

3.5 million people, according to the largest of the union federations, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), packed the streets of all the major towns and cities of France.

An all out general strike is not a distant goal but close to becoming the reality of the class struggle.

France is already in a pre-revolutionary situation and if the government remains obdurate and the mass strikes become an all out general strike, this will become a revolutionary one.

Young people, as so often before, are playing a major role with high schools (lycées) barricaded and on strike.

The BBC’s correspondent writes, “A kind of delirium has set in, propelling teenagers onto the streets in a re-enactment of an imagined revolution.”

Clearly he is not the only bourgeois commentator who fears that the “imagined” will be realized by workers and youth in the days or weeks ahead.

Foreign commentators are reminding their readers of 1789, 1830, 1871, 1936, 1968, 1995 – with a shudder that here is a country where revolution is a living tradition.

Events unfolding in France can have enormous repercussions beyond its borders.

Given the fact that most countries in Europe have scarcely emerged from the crisis that began in 2008 and their governments too are imposing harsh austerity programmes their fear is that their own workers will start to speak in the same language as their French comrades.

The slogan heard across the continent two years ago – “we will not pay for their crisis” – could become a reality.

The main goal of the huge movement underway in France is to force Sarkozy and Prime Minister François Fillon to scrap the new pension law.

The government wants to raise the earliest retirement age from 60 to 62 and the full state pension age from 65 to 67. This reform has crystallized enormous opposition for several reasons.

Firstly, all workers are affected by it, be it in the public or the private sector, including the higher paid.

Youth have taken to the streets and barricaded their high schools. In the 15-24 age group, 20 per cent cannot find work. They easily understood that extending the working life for the old means longer unemployment or precarité (short term, low paid jobs) for the young.

The struggle against Sarkozy

For several years there has been an ongoing confrontation between right wing governments and the working class. This started in 1995 with the railway strike, went through a period of relative calm during Jospin government (1997-202), and then erupted again in the years of right wing UMP government. In 2003 there was a two month strike of the teachers, in 2005 banlieues youth uprising, in 2006 the mobilisation against the CPE (first job contract).

Sarkozy’s presidency has quickened the tempo of the class struggle: in 2007 the strike against the pension and the university reforms, in 2009 factory occupations and mass demos against the crisis.

The present movement summarizes all the previous ones, rallying their activists and building on their experience.

The impact of the global capitalist crisis is the crucial factor behind this level of class struggle. The crisis has resulted in a wave of sackings, closures and increased précarité.

The government has prepared an austerity package for the next three years with cuts everywhere in the public sector, especially in education and health.

For the government, the current reform is vital: having been forced to abandon their anti-working class measures several times over the last 15 years Sarkozy and the capitalist class wants to impose a historic defeat on workers so that round after round of cuts in public services and workers social and trade union rights will go through. In fact as he said before he became president, he wants to be the French equivalent of Margaret Thatcher or Ronald Reagan.

Major scandals have exposed the level of intimacy between the super rich and Sarkozy’s inner circle.

Enormous undeclared sums of money are alleged to have passed between Liliane Bettencourt, millionaire heiress and socialite, and Eric Woerth, treasurer for the UMP, including for Sarkozy’s presidential campaign.

Sarkozy’s love of hob-nobbing with millionaires whilst launching attacks on working people and the poor have made him hated by huge numbers of ordinary people. Woerth is now minister of Labour, Solidarity and Civil Service and in charge of the pension reforms.

The current movement started in March, when the trade unions called a day of action to protest against the attitude of the government, ignoring their demands. The leaders like François Chereque of the CFDT and Bernard Thibault of the CGT only wanted to mobilise in a limited way, hoping to obtain some concessions. But this autumn they found themselves squeezed between the mounting tempo of their members’ mobilisations and the intransigence of Sarkozy.

Until the end of September the CFDT was desperately seeking even minor concessions in order to put an end to the struggle. The CGT went along with this. Throughout September, CGT refused to call for an unlimited general strike, with Thibault mocking the very idea.

The turning point of the struggle came at the end of September and the beginning of October. It became clear that far from the movement fizzling out, the most combative layers of the working class (railway, oil refineries) were pushing for more active strike action. The agitation for a general strike by SUD played an important role in this. Because of its more militant rank and file, the CGT leaders could stand their pressure no longer and simply had to take off the brakes. They have also switched to a more and more active agitation for blockading the country over the last few days.

As of today there is already a daily renewable strike (grève reconductible) of the railway workers, with around 50 per cent on strike, of the chemical workers (all the refineries), of the dockers and the teachers.

There has been a call for general strike and actions by the truck drivers unions. Several other sectors are partially on strike and come out for the large demos in their millions. Sarkozy has sent in special forces to “liberate” the blockaded oil depots, but the blockades are quickly renewed.

The Youth are on the streets

The mobilisation of the lycée students has greatly added to the combativity of the movement. By 16 October 1,000 lycées were blockaded. In many cases spontaneous demos, several thousand strong have clashed with the police.

Adapting the slogan from previous generations they chant “Sarkozy, t’es foutu, la jeunesse est dans la rue.” (Sarkozy you’re f…d, the youth are on the streets!”)

University students have been slower off the mark but are now starting to mobilize.

In Rennes and Pau the universities are blockaded by the students and there is a national student coordination meeting next weekend.

The main union federations s involved are the CGT, CFDT SUD and FO. The second largest, the CFDT (Confédération française démocratique du travail), remains a potential weak link in the union front – the Intersyndical. For two years, the leaders of CFDT and CGT have been in an alliance, aiming to negotiate together with the government as ”responsible” trade unions.

There are still tensions between them and minor unions for the criteria of representation and access to legal benefits. However, today it is not so easy for the CFDT to openly betray the movement as it has done in the past because of the pressure from their own rank and file.

The last time they did so, in 2003, it cost them dearly in terms of members, with whole sector unions defecting. Therefore, until now, whilst they do not actively support the calls for a general strike they do not try to stop them either.

The CGT is the main force behind the strike. On all the days of action in Paris, there are two separate demonstrations (owing to the sheer numbers) and CGT alone makes up one by itself. Morale and combativity are at a historically high level. The CGT unionizes mainly the public sector but also the railway, chemical and port workers.

For several years, there is a considerable tension between the top bureaucracy and the lower and middle layers. The change of line in the last week reflects this pressure by the lower bureaucracy and the rank and file. Given their level of commitment to the strike, a major clash between CGT and the government is unavoidable. There is little room left for a compromise.

SUD (Solidaires Unitaires Démocratiques ) is a much smaller union federation (less than one tenth the size of the CGT) but it has played an important rôle because since the summer it has correctly campaigned for a general strike and major confrontation with the government. However given the record of the union bureaucracy- including in recent years no reliance should be put on them to lead this struggle all the way to victory. The rank and file must watch their every move and, better still, organise to control them, to prevent any selling out or selling short of the struggle. In this strike new militant leaders will be found, tested and tried in the struggle.

They will be needed to replace the old leaders and to transform the bureaucratic structures of the unions on the principles of workers democracy; regular election and recallability of officials, salaries no higher than the average for their members, no struggle to be called off until mass meetings or assemblés générales (AGs) vote on it, etc.

The left parties have kept a low profile in the movement. Given the traditional division between political and trade union work, they limit themselves to being supporters “ behind” the trade unions.

The Socialist Party (PS0 has been for a long time divided on the question of the pensions and actually many leaders support the reform.

Only after the success of the demos they have changed their line and understood the political benefit they could reap from of the current movement. The lycée mobilisation due in large measure to PS works in the youth. Whatever the outcome, they want to be seen as supporting the workers and prepare for the 2012 elections (as all other reformist parties).

The French Communist Party (PCF) is on a similar line of “accompanying” the movement. Of course most of its members are in the CGT and are active as trade union members. The Parti de Gauche (PdG) – a recent left split from the PS – campaigned for a referendum until the middle of September.

Neither the PCF not the PdG openly calls for a general strike (“this is not the task of a political party”) but try to propose political solutions to it.

The PdG calls for a « revolution citoyenne » (citizens’ revolution), « qu’ils s’en aillent tous » (they should all go!), with the idea that in coming elections will profit from it.

The New Anticapitalist party (NPA) is also not giving a political lead, as it should, though in its defence Olivier Besancenot speaks eloquently on its behalf and is closely identfied with the struggle, while most of its members are in the thick of the movement, the party has lagged behind SUD. But the NPA could be giving a much more directive, proactive, and militant lead. The fact is doesn’t is partly due to the same traditional passivity of political organisations vis-vis-vis the unions. For instance, the NPA’s call for a general strike came when almost everybody else was doing so (including CGT) in the unions.

In this way, the NPA too “accompanies” the movement but is not willing to give it a political perspective or leadership. This is most notably on the question of power/government which every general strike raises by their very nature.

Tasks of the day

The most urgent task for revolutionaries are: to build the general strike on the basis of the current mobilisations, to build rank and file leadership starting from AG to creating coordinations, such as have existed in previous mass movements.

They should be veritable councils of action: made up of delegates from each workplace or schools and colleges under blockade or occupation. Such bodies at a local or city wide level can have enormous authority in mobilising all those not yet participating in the strike.

They should create bodies of stewards (service d’ordre) to deter police attacks on the strikers and the youth. These should draw into their ranks the sans papiers (migrants without official papers) and the youth of the banlieues.

The coordinations should set out to win allies from the small farmers and shopkeepers so that Sarkozy cannot use them against the movement as De Gaulle did in 1968. Last but not least they should debate and popularize an action programme against the crisis.

As the network of coordination grows at local and level regional and national coordination of them of them should be created so that the movement is truly under the control of the majority and not left to the top trade union leaders alone.

The current week (October 18) will be decisive as CGT has called for more radical actions, the lycée students will be on the streets every day, new sectors (truck drivers) are joining the strike.

The government is trying a combination of repression (against refineries blockades) and waiting for the movement to wear out for lack of perspectives and success. It counts also on defections from the trade union front (CFDT) after the law has been voted. It seems improbable that this tactic will be successful in the short term. There is the precedent of the CPE where the parliament passed the law, but the law was never applied. CGT cannot retreat now without suffering from a devastating loss of credibility even from a reformist point of view. And of course millions of French workers and youth are on the streets to block the reform and the government attacks.

In the unions, in the AGs, in the coordinations – revolutionaries and militant workers must demand that the union leaders call an indefinite general strike of all sectors of the workforce NOW. They should appeal to pensioners, the unemployed, and the migrant population, the school and university students to support the strike on the picket lines and in the streets.

Tough as Sarkozy’s talk is now faced with a general strike of 1968 proportions he will doubtlessly begin to tack and manoeuvre, to offer modifications, delays, negotiations if the unions, will call off the strike. The rank and file must oppose this at all costs, demanding that the strike continues and is intensified until the government and parliament unconditionally withdraws/repeals the law. There should be no negotiations over any matters until this concession is made.

In the days ahead all sectors of the workers, the retired, the unemployed, the migrants, should draw up their own urgent demands on the employers and the state to reverse the effects of the crisis and the previous neoliberal reforms.

Who will be the master?

A successful all-out general strike by paralysing the workplaces, transport and communications, the functioning of government, poses the question who is the master in the country? In one word it poses the question of revolution. Workers must answer – not Sarkozy and Fillon: we must rule.

We need a workers’ government based on the councils of action or coordinations created by the general strike, carrying out a programme of action drawn up by the workers themselves. And the road to this is the road of revolution.

Nothing less than this is at stake in France today.

That is why the NPA has a heavy responsibility – to act as a revolutionary party in the vanguard of the struggle – pointing the road to power and explaining the ways and means to get there.

That is why across Europe workers must solidarise with their French brothers and sisters blocking any attempts at strike breaking from across the borders and following the French workers example by smashing the austerity programmes of their own governments.

In France our slogans must be:

• For an indefinite general strike now till the entire pension reform is unconditionally withdrawn!

• Organise squads of workers and youth to defend the strikes from the police and mass picketing of all workplaces.

• Build councils action (coordinations) to organise the general strike, made up of delegates from every workplace in every town and city

• Bring to together the demands of workers, youth, unemployed into a working class action programme against the crisis – NO MORE AUSTERITY! Tax the rich; expropriate the banks, jobs for all,

• Down with Sarkozy and the UMP government! For a government of the unions and worker’s parties based on the councils of action.

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